Looks like I will be heading to Cape Town in June:

Monzer, Cristina and Larsson, Anders Olof (2026). Gendered Body Representation on Political TikTok videos: A cross-national comparison of Norway and Romania. Abstract accepted for presentation at the 76th Annual Conference of the International Communication Association (ICA). 4-8 June, Cape Town, South Africa.

Larsson, Anders Olof (2026). Asking for Action Across Platforms – A Longitudinal Study of Political Party Calls to Action across Social Media. Paper accepted for presentation at the 76th Annual Conference of the International Communication Association (ICA). 4-8 June, Cape Town, South Africa.

Bene, Márton; Illés, Gábo, Russmann, Uta; Baranowski, Pawel; Hassler, Jörg; Bos, Linda; Linaa Jensen, Jakob; Kruschinski, Simon; Larsson, Anders Olof; Pospíšil Macková, Alena and Dutceac Segesten, Anamaria (2026). Constructing Representation: Political Actors’ Representative Style on Facebook During European and National Election Campaigns. Paper accepted for presentation at the 76th Annual Conference of the International Communication Association (ICA). 4-8 June, Cape Town, South Africa.

… and this year I was fortunate enough to be part of the following presentations for the 75th annual ICA conference, to be held in Denver in June:

Bene, Márton; Casero-Ripollés, Andreu; Vicente Fenoll; Gërguri, Dren; Haßler, Jörg; Jackson, Dan; Kruschinski, Simon; Larsson, Anders Olof; Lilleker, Darren; Machado, Sara; Macková, Alena; Novotná, Martina and Wall, Matthew (2025). Calls to action – Engaging voters across 8 countries. Abstract accepted as part of the Digital Election Campaigning Worldwide: Campaigning on Facebook in National Elections Around the World panel to be held at the 75th Annual Conference of the International Communication Association, Denver, CO, 12-16 June.

El Mghari, Souad and Larsson, Anders Olof (2025). Platform and Gender Influences on Identity Expression: Health Opinion Leaders on Instagram and TikTok. Abstract accepted for the 75th Annual Conference of the International Communication Association, Denver, CO, 12-16 June.

Larsson, Anders Olof; Alonso-Muñoz, Laura; Bene, Márton; Boulianne, Shelley; Fenoll, Vicente; Haßler, Jörg; Lilleker, Darren; Machado, Sara; Macková, Alena; Peña-Vicuña, Percy; Rodríguez-Sánchez, Adriana (2025). Populism across two continents – Assessing the use and reception of populist communication on Facebook in 10 countries. Abstract accepted as part of the Digital Election Campaigning Worldwide: Campaigning on Facebook in National Elections Around the World panel to be held at the 75th Annual Conference of the International Communication Association, Denver, CO, 12-16 June.

Svensson, Jakob and Larsson, Anders Olof (2025). “I have seen it, have you seen me?” The logic of Engagement on Ugandan LGBT+ Organizations Digital Platforms. Full paper accepted for the 75th Annual Conference of the International Communication Association, Denver, CO, 12-16 June.

The biannual ECREA conference will take place in Ljubljana this year. The results from the peer review process just came out, and this year I have the pleasure of being involved in two presentations:

Buyens, Willem and Larsson, Anders Olof (2024). Links in the chain: Political parties’ online link sharing during campaign times in Belgium and Sweden. Abstract accepted for the 2024 ECREA conference. Ljubljana, Slovenia, 24-27 September.

Kalsnes, Bente and Larsson, Anders Olof (2024). “Anger is an Energy” – Anger, Love and the sharing of political posts on Facebook in Scandinavian elections. Abstract accepted for the 2024 ECREA conference. Ljubljana, Slovenia, 24-27 September.

… Also, there are two more presentations that I am involved in that are placed on a “waiting list” – given the apparent interest in attending the 2024 ECREA conference, my guess is those waitlisted papers will remain waitlisted. Oh well, win some, lose some.

I’m looking for a (master’s level) student to do scientific assistant work. The interested applicant can be employed to do only step 1 as described below, but there is also the possibility for a student w basic R skills (such as those that you have after the Analyse av digital kommunikasjon 1 class) to go on to work on step 2.

Step 1

Copy links to each individual post made to TikTok by a series of Scandinavian politicians. Essentially, right-clicking on each individual post, copying the URL and pasting the copied URL into a spreadsheet (Excel, google sheets…). Sort of what you are seeing below. Alternatively, some sort of automation routine could be used – like those offered by service like Axiom , Zapier, Integromat, tray.io or Exolyt – to get the URL for each individual video.

Step 2

… requires R knowledge. Specifically, the assistant would archive data from the collected TikTok URLs (as done in step 1) using the traktok R package. The assistant would also be responsible for “tidying” and organising the resulting data sets in order to make them ready for further analysis and export.

Beyond getting insights into the research process, the assistant who opts for both steps will get applied knowledge on how to use state-of-the-art data collection tools. Similarly, if the assistant is interested, s/he could for instance use the resulting data (similar to the Facebook and Instagram data sets we looked at in the Analyse av digital kommunikasjon 1 class in his/her master’s thesis). For both steps, it is important that the interested applicant is thorough, structured and organised.

If you are interested, please send me an email as soon as possible explaining (briefly): why you are interested, if you want to do step 1 or both steps and why you think you are the most suitable person for this job.

Here at the Department of Communication at Kristiania University College in Oslo, Norway, I’m looking for Ph. D. candidates to work on the Scandinavian Political Communication During the Pandemic project. Two fully funded positions are available. In short, we will use social media trace data (from CrowdTangle [Facebook and Instagram] and Twitter) to try and uncover the different ways that various governmental agencies and other political actors communicated to and with the public during the covid 19-pandemic. We might also want to expand the project to other types of data, but these sources will be our main focus.

Given the different approaches of the three Scandinavian countries, we will specifically feature a comparative angle for this project. The ad for the positions is available here. Please note that due to the comparison between the three Scandinavian countries, working knowledge of either Danish, Norwegian or Swedish is necessary. Moreover, given the nature of the project, it is necessary with experience in quantitative social scientific methods. I am thinking here primarily about basic statistics (if you’ve taken a master’s degree in media and communication studies or something similar, you’ve probably had this kind of class). Successful candidates should be able to demonstrate – for instance, via their master’s theses – their skill in using such techniques. Familiarity with software like Tableau, SPSS and/or Jamovi helps, and experience in using programming languages like R or Python is a plus.

Please drop me an email if you have any questions – the deadline for this is on September 15th, and the successful candidates should start their journey towards a Ph.D. no later than December 1st.

Attending a conference and a concert (I am visible in this picture – can you see me?)

I was recently interviewed by Michael Bossetta for his Social Media and Politics Podcast. Among other things, we discuss some of my comparative research efforts looking into how Swedish and Norwegian political parties have made use of their social media channels over the last couple of years. Check out the episode above or on the podcast web site.

Succeeding in raising engagement is key for anyone who wishes to be seen online – perhaps especially for political actors. However, such engagement or indeed interactivity can be demanding for politicians and parties since there is an increased risk of losing message control. In ‘Win a sweater with the PM’S face on it’ – A longitudinal study of Norwegian party Facebook engagement strategies, I use the theory of controlled interactivity (as defined by Stromer-Galley and Baldwin-Philippi) to discuss how the Facebook engagement strategies of Norwegian political actors have varied over time. The abstract reads as follows:

“Receiving Facebook post engagement – such as likes, comments and shares – is crucial in order to succeed online, perhaps especially for political actors. However, online engagement can also be hazardous, as it potentially strips the original poster of control over their messages. Previous work has shown that political actors have been rather unwilling to encourage interaction from their online supporters. However, research has also indicated a need to assess the influence of Facebook in this regard. Building on the theory of controlled interactivity, the study presented here details what is referred to as Facebook engagement strategies among Norwegian political parties on Facebook between 2009 and 2019. Combining quantitative and qualitative approaches in order to compare party and follower activity in relation to the aforementioned engagement varieties, the main findings indicate that parties and followers do not necessarily seek to interact at the same time. Furthermore, tendencies towards gamification, where parties direct user attention towards online quizzes and raffles instead of towards deliberation and political discussion, can be discerned.“

The three posts visible above serve as examples of posts where parties ask for engagement in terms of comments. Comparably early posts featuring comment engagement cues encourage readers to comment on specific political themes or topics. For these posts, parties will typically offer to answer the posted questions in the comments. Section 1 in the image above depicts a typical example of such a post from the Progress Party, linking to a YouTube video where a party representative presents budget suggestions, asking for feedback by means of comments to the Facebook post. The use of video services external to Facebook is also rather typical of this early period of Facebook use by political parties – overtime, Facebook native services have largely overtaken their external competitors when it comes to posting video on the specified platform. A tendency of contests and quiz-like competitions with party merchandise prizes has already been noted. This tendency is mirrored also in sections 2 and 3 from the image. Section 2 provides an early example of such content – here, the Socialist Left Party presents a giveaway of t-shirts featuring a ‘Heller kolje enn olje’ (‘I’d rather have haddock than oil’) print, pitting two core Norwegian industries against each other. Finally, section 3 features an example of the Conservative Party Advent calendar from the 2019 holiday season. Here, we are asked to guess the name of the first female Norwegian Minister of Defence. A correct answer gives us the chance to win a garment with the PMs face on it – a t-shirt this time, rather than a sweater as in another example discussed in the paper. This tendency of almost gamified political communication is visible also elsewhere in the material.

The paper is available open access at Information, Communication & Society.

I just received word that my follow-up study to Picture-perfect populism: Tracing the rise of European populist parties on Facebook has been accepted for publication in New Media & Society. In this recently accepted paper – entitled The rise of Instagram as a tool for political communication – A longitudinal study of European political parties and their followers – I build on the findings of the aforementioned Facebook-focused paper and provide insights into the uses of Instagram by European political parties. The abstract reads as follows:

“Featuring a longitudinal, structural study of European party and citizen activity on Instagram between 2012 and 2018, this paper outlines the overarching changes in the ways that Instagram has been employed for political party communication. Differentiating between populist and non-populist political parties, the results indicate that much like for other platforms such as Facebook, the former category of parties enjoy higher amounts of citizen engagement than their non-populist competitors. Detailing the uses of different types of posts by the two types of political actors, the study provides insights into how political parties have adopted and used Instagram from 2012 and onwards.”

Much like with the previous paper, I make good use of the brilliant Wes Anderson Palettes package available for R – see if you can guess which movie palette I used here. If you are interested, you can find the accepted version of the paper at academia.edu or at ResearchGate. Having studied the growth of populism on both Facebook and Instagram, I guess I need to look at Twitter next?

Much like everything else these days, the 2021 NordMedia Conference which was supposed to take place in Reykjavik has decided to go virtual. Which means that this year, I will be virtually involved in three presentations:

• Askanius, T., Kaun, A., Brock, M. & Larsson, A.O. (2021). Violent misogyny in ‘the most feminist country in the world’: Discursive connections between male supremacy and white supremacy in Sweden.
• Kalsnes, B. & Larsson, A.O. (2021). Going local on social media: Norwegian parliamentarians’ use of social media during the 2019 local election.
• Gustafsson, N., Holmberg, N., Weinryb, N., Gullberg, C., & Larsson, A.O. (2021). Emotional Expressions on Swedish Fundraising Organizations’ Social Media Pages, 2010-2020: The Attention Economy of Emojis.